Abundance

June 19, 2025

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Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson. Abundance. New York: Avid Reader Press, 2025.

In this provocative new book, journalists Ezra Klein and Derek Thompson challenge liberals to refocus their political thinking. The authors state their thesis clearly in the Introduction: “This book is dedicated to a simple idea: to have the future we want, we need to build and invent more of what we need.” It sounds like a no-brainer, at least until they explain how this approach differs from the standard party messaging from both the left and the right.

The politics of scarcity

Klein and Thompson want liberals to pay more attention to the supply of things people need, like housing, energy, and health care. Conservatives have talked more about the supply side of the economy than liberals have, but that term has a specific—and limiting—meaning for them: “Supply-side economics was about getting the government out of the private sector’s way. Cutting taxes so people would work more. Cutting regulations so companies would produce more.” But conservatives have exaggerated how much the private sector could meet the need for public goods like affordable housing, universal health insurance, public transportation or a pollution-free environment. The market delivers what consumers are willing and able to pay for, not necessarily what people need. Cheap manufactured goods, yes; affordable health care, not so much.

For their part, liberals have tended to focus on the demand side, especially helping low-income citizens afford what richer people have the money to buy.

… [W]hile Democrats focused on giving consumers money to buy what they needed, they paid less attention to the supply of the goods and services they wanted everyone to have. Countless taxpayer dollars were spent on health insurance, housing vouchers, and infrastructure without an equally energetic focus—sometimes without any focus at all—on what all that money was actually buying and building.

Subsidizing demand without increasing supply creates shortages and higher prices. “Too much money chasing too few doctors means long wait times or pricey appointments.” Some people get subsidized health care or housing, but other people just get higher costs, more debt, or less availability.

Since conservatives tend to want a smaller government than liberals think a modern society needs, liberals have become the defenders of larger government. The authors want to shift the debate away from the size of government toward the capacity of government. “Whether government is bigger or smaller is the wrong question. What it needs to be is better.”

Neither side of the political spectrum has had a realistic formula for economic growth. Supply-side conservatives have exaggerated how much tax cuts for the wealthy can stimulate growth from the top down. Demand-side liberals want to use progressive taxation to divide up the existing “pie” of wealth and income more equitably. Some on the left are suspicious of growth itself because of its environmental impact. The authors stress that growth does not have to mean more of the same—more fossil fuel production, more pollution, more climate change. “The difference between an economy that grows and an economy that stagnates is change.” The book is based on an underlying optimism that abundant clean energy and other emerging technologies can unleash a new productivity revolution and provide more for all. Otherwise, we will perpetuate an ugly politics where no one can have more unless someone else gets less.

Initiatives like the Inflation Reduction Act to promote clean energy and the CHIPS and Science Act to promote America’s semiconductor industry are steps in the right direction, although they are too new to have demonstrated their cost-effectiveness. One worrisome feature is the mixture of goals liberals are trying to achieve simultaneously. An application for CHIPS funding asks the applicant to address environmental issues, jobs for the disadvantaged, gender equality, access to child care, investments in mass transit, etc., etc. The main point of the initiative may get lost among the multitude of liberal causes.

Urban housing

The book tells many stories about ineffective Democratic leadership, especially in blue-state cities with large Democratic majorities, like San Francisco. The urban housing crisis is a prime example of the failure to create abundance.

Klein and Thompson say that cities should play two main roles, as “engines of innovation and engines of mobility.” The physical distance between people doesn’t matter as much as it once did for some things, like selling and shipping goods, but gathering together in cities still contributes to cooperative innovation.

Cities are engines of creativity because we create in community. We are spurred by competition. We need to find the colleagues and the friends and the competitors and the antagonists who unlock our genius and add their own.

Historically, urban growth has been central to social progress. Newcomers have been drawn to the economic opportunities in cities, and many of them have achieved upward mobility there. But recently, cities have been failing as engines of mobility because they are short on affordable housing and other necessities. Ironically, the richest of cities have the biggest homelessness problem.

Because the cost of housing has risen much faster than incomes, those who already own urban homes want to protect their investment by preserving the character of their neighborhoods. Here they are assisted—maybe over-assisted—by environmentally conscious liberals. Zoning restrictions that mandate large lots make developers build fewer but pricier homes. The authors criticize the “lawn-sign liberals” who support kindness and equality in the abstract, but use environmental laws and other regulations to block affordable housing proposals. Organized and educated liberals can impede new projects with endless litigation.

In California, the biggest obstacle to sheltering the homeless is not lack of public funding, but the complex rules and restrictions that make the money very hard to spend.

The problem we faced in the 1970s was that we were building too much and too heedlessly. The problem we face in the 2020s is that we are building too little and we are too often paralyzed by process.

Clean energy

On the more positive side, clean energy is an example of the contributions science and technology are making to a more abundant future. This view is in stark contrast to the more familiar pessimism about running out of energy. The authors imagine a world fifty years from now, when “you live in a cocoon of energy so clean it barely leaves a carbon trace and so cheap you can scarcely find it on your monthly bill.”

Klein and Thompson make a good case for a government role in technological development, especially in areas where commercial applications and business profits take time to appear. Given the American role in inventing solar energy in the 1950s, the U.S. could have become the leading solar-powered nation. Jimmy Carter was an early promoter, putting solar panels on the White House roof in the 1970s. The election of Ronald Reagan nipped our solar revolution in the bud, with leadership passing to Germany and, more recently, China. China now makes about 70 percent of the photovoltaic panels, and the scale of their manufacturing has brought costs down by about 90 percent. “After a long hiatus, solar energy has taken off again to become America’s fastest-growing electricity source, partly thanks to subsidies passed in the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022.”

Clean energy subsidies are controversial—President Trump and Congressional Republicans seem determined to end them—but they make economic sense. If dirtier forms of energy impose social costs that buyers and sellers aren’t paying for, while cleaner forms bring social benefits that buyers and sellers aren’t rewarded for, it makes sense for society to tax the first and subsidize the second.

Some of the energy abundance will come from “building out the renewable energy that we have already developed.” More will come from developing new technologies that do not exist yet or have yet to demonstrate their profitability. Government-funded R & D is especially useful there.

One reason the world will need this abundance is the huge energy demands of Artificial Intelligence systems. Here the authors welcome AI’s contribution to higher productivity, but they do not discuss the trickier questions surrounding it. Will AI resemble previous technological revolutions in eventually creating as many jobs as it destroys? Or will it aggravate the social distribution problem by dividing society into more technically sophisticated workers and masses of unemployed? The authors concentrate on a few “building blocks of the future”—housing, transportation, energy, and health. Missing from the list is the new forms of education workers will need to adapt to an even higher-tech world.

A new progressivism?

As I have been reading this book, I have also been reading Frank Bruni’s The Age of Grievance, a book about our increasing political polarization. Bruni explains the ugliness of our politics partly by drawing on an argument from political economist Benjamin Friedman in his 2005 book, The Moral Consequences of Economic Growth:

[Friedman] cast his gaze backward at a few centuries of American and European history to argue that economic stagnation and pessimism are welcome mats for repression, for authoritarianism, for all manner of closed thinking and ungenerous impulses. We’re mean when we’re lean. And when we’re fat and happy? Friedman observed that robustly growing, optimistic societies are more likely to expand rights to more people and show a stronger commitment to democracy.

In Abundance, Klein and Thompson make a similar point when they talk about the need for a “possibility of progress.” Obviously, progressive politics requires that possibility. But so does politics in general, if politics is to be more than “a mere smash-and-grab war over scarce goods, where one man’s win implies another man’s loss.” People who think that America’s best days are behind us, and that today’s problems are insurmountable, are inclined to hold onto what they have and disparage others whom they suspect of trying to take what is theirs.

Historically, each of our major political parties have had its own conception of progress. Republicans have celebrated wealth creation through free markets, unencumbered by Big Government. Democrats have called for distributing the benefits of capitalism and democracy to more people by progressive taxation, equal rights and liberal social programs. During the post-World War II period of rapid economic growth, the two conceptions of progress could coexist and compromise without as much of the political polarization and rancor we experience today.

Since the Reagan Revolution of 1980, the economy has not delivered the kind of broad-based economic gains associated with the postwar era. Economic growth has been slower, and the gains have gone more to the very wealthy. Many voters have become disenchanted with both parties, but for somewhat different reasons.

For Republicans, dramatic reductions in tax rates for taxpayers in the highest brackets have not generated as much economic growth and broad-based prosperity as promised. That has put the G.O.P. in the position of continuing to support generosity toward the rich, while demanding more austerity for the rest of us. Under the influence of MAGA, the party especially embraces the politics of scarcity, warning that progress for immigrants or historically disadvantaged groups may only come at the expense of the white working class.

Klein and Thompson believe that the right’s new “politics of scarcity…has left room for liberals to embrace what Republicans have abandoned: a politics of abundance.” Assuming, of course, that liberals do not succumb to their own politics of scarcity, believing that economic growth is incompatible with environmental protection, or that helping the have-nots depends entirely on taking from the haves. What the authors want is a new kind of liberalism, a “liberalism that builds.”

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Posted by Ed Steffes

Why Trump Would Like to Be King

June 13, 2025

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Organizers of the “No Kings” protests are planning hundreds of rallies this weekend to remind the country that the President is not a monarch. Why does Donald Trump give so many people the impression that he is trying to be one? Why would he want to be one?

The short answer is that Trump wants to accomplish through undemocratic means what he cannot accomplish through democratic means. One of his favorite gambits is to declare a national emergency about something, and then claim dubious emergency powers to impose his policies. In the first six months of his second term, he has already done this several times.

The power to tariff

Consider his trade policy. Although the United States has been running a trade deficit with the rest of the world for the past fifty years, President Trump has now declared this a national emergency. He claims that his emergency economic powers allow him to impose tariffs on foreign goods unilaterally, although the Constitution clearly assigns that power to Congress.

He has tried to sell his tariffs to the public by claiming that foreigners will pay them. As more people come to realize that American importers and consumers will pay them, support for tariffs has declined sharply. Some supporters remain, such as domestic steel companies hoping to benefit by higher prices on foreign steel, but they are outnumbered by the companies and consumers relying on foreign goods. If a democratic vote were held today, Trump’s sweeping tariff proposal would lose.

The power to defund

Another part of Trump’s undemocratic agenda is his war on the administrative state, the federal government agencies that carry out mandates given them by Congress. Here he has used the “emergency” of the longstanding budget deficit as an excuse for drastic cuts to the federal workforce, especially in agencies he dislikes, like the Agency for International Development, the Environmental Protection Agency, and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau.

The Constitution gives Congress the power to spend, and the Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act bars the executive from refusing to spend what Congress has allocated without its permission. Russell Vought, Trump’s budget director and major contributor to the Project 2025 blueprint for radically conservative government, has encouraged Trump to violate this law in the hope that the Supreme Court would then declare it unconstitutional.

Americans are always interested in reducing “waste, fraud, and abuse,” but they are not very keen on closing Social Security offices, reducing veterans’ services, defunding cancer research, firing weather forecasters, or weakening consumer protections. Ironically, now that Trump must work with Congress to pass a budget, he supports the “One Big Beautiful Bill” that the Congressional Budget Office and most economists expect to increase the deficit. That raises suspicion that the assault on the federal bureaucracy was never about deficit reduction in the first place, even if Elon Musk wanted it to be.

The power to deport

President Trump’s favorite “emergency” justifying extraordinary powers is immigration. Here he has had more popular support, especially for preventing illegal border crossings and deporting immigrants who have committed other crimes.

He could have pursued these goals legally, in cooperation with Congress. Instead, he told lawmakers during the campaign to kill the bipartisan bill that would have tightened border security and provided some path to citizenship for migrants who have been here many years. Meanwhile he riled up his base with a disinformation campaign associating immigrants in general with violent crime, a correlation that the evidence does not support. Having promised to prioritize criminal deportations, his administration then proceeded to order Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) to deport large numbers of immigrants with no criminal records as quickly as possible. Finding and prosecuting criminals just doesn’t meet the quotas, and giving people their day in court takes too long to please Trump.

Many Americans who support normal criminal law enforcement are distressed to see armed and masked ICE agents rounding up people they consider harmless, like restaurant workers, strawberry pickers, students on the way to school, or job seekers in Home Depot parking lots, let alone mothers dropping off their children at day care centers. Most Americans do not support forcing the immigrant parents of U.S.-born children to choose between leaving their children behind or depriving their children of their rights as citizens. Trump’s solution was to try to end birthright citizenship by executive order, in blatant defiance of the Constitution.

The power to intimidate

When people protested these policies, Trump declared the protests themselves an emergency justifying the militarization of law enforcement. He deployed the National Guard and other military forces without the consent of local authorities, telling a federal court that he was putting down a rebellion against the United States. (Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem suggested a more sinister motive—“liberating” the people of California from their “Marxist” leadership, as if the administration had a right to overturn California elections too.) Trump promised that further protests would be met by overwhelming force, a stunningly hypocritical position for a president who failed to mobilize the military to defend the Capitol on January 6, and then pardoned the rioters convicted of assaulting and injuring police officers.

If Trump is going to mobilize the military for every small and mostly peaceful demonstration—misleading portrayals by right-wing media to the contrary notwithstanding—his kingdom will soon look a lot like a police state. We don’t need too much imagination to see him responding to the social unrest he helps create by declaring martial law and arresting opposition leaders, Putin style. He has already said that arresting Governor Gavin Newsom is “a great idea.”

Federal courts have ruled that many of Trump’s actions—imposing tariffs unilaterally, impounding federal funds, deporting migrants without hearings, and deploying the National Guard to put down an imaginary rebellion—exceed his authority. That covers a lot of his agenda, making Richard Nixon’s domestic lawlessness pale by comparison. Many of these rulings are on hold as the administration pursues its appeals. Nevertheless, the protestors—by which I mean the peaceful majority—are often the ones with the law on their side, while the administration is the larger threat to law and order. President Trump said the other day that he is certainly not a king, since he is having so much trouble getting what he wants. Let’s hope we keep it that way.

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Posted by Ed Steffes

An Unpopular and Unpopulist Bill

June 5, 2025

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My spell-checker says that “unpopulist” is not an actual word. Maybe it should be. Americans have a right to ask whether the “One Big Beautiful Bill” passed by House Republicans fits any reasonable definition of populist politics.

The bill’s main objective is to extend the income tax cuts of 2017, whose benefits went especially to upper-income taxpayers. This is expected to cost the government over $2 trillion in revenue over the next ten years. The bill sacrifices over $2 trillion more in other tax deductions and credits, the largest ones being an increase in the standard deduction and the child tax credit.

Many of President Trump’s other tax proposals are also in the bill, although with less impact—deductions for overtime pay, tip income, and car loan interest, plus an extra credit for seniors (but not the exclusion of Social Security benefits from taxable income that he promised). Some of these proposals will make little difference to low-income people because they are already in a very low tax bracket.

In addition to costing the government trillions in revenue, the bill adds about $300 billion in spending on national defense and immigration control. That brings the total cost to about $5 trillion over ten years.

The bill offsets about half of that projected cost with spending cuts. The largest of these are cuts to Medicaid, clean energy and other climate initiatives, student loan forgiveness, and food assistance. The costs that are not offset with spending cuts will add to annual deficits and the accumulation of debt.

Deficits and debt

The deficit is already almost $2 trillion a year. Even if Congress passes no legislation and the 2017 “temporary” tax cuts are allowed to expire, the annual deficits will add close to $20 trillion to the national debt over ten years. I put “temporary” in quotes because Republicans have never seen a tax cut they didn’t want to make permanent. Passing this bill is projected to add another $2.4 trillion to the debt. It could be worse, however, since the bill contains its own “temporary” tax cuts that might be made permanent too, adding another $1.6 trillion to the debt.

Starting from today’s national debt of $37 trillion, the total debt by 2035 could be as much as $61 trillion (37 + 20 + 2.4 + 1.6).

The opposition

In Congress, reaction to the bill is divided sharply along party lines, and the Republicans’ small margins in both houses may be enough to get it passed. But in the real world outside of Congress, opponents of the bill are speaking out from across the political spectrum.

Fiscal conservatives worry about the continued accumulation of debt and its size in relation to the U.S. economy. At $37 trillion, the debt is already larger than the $30 trillion GDP. If the debt grows to $61 trillion while the economy grows only to $40 trillion—a reasonable projection—the ratio of the two will go from 1.2 to 1.5. That places a larger burden on the country to finance the debt. Paying the interest on the debt would get in the way of achieving other fiscal goals, and the demand for financing could raise interest rates on home mortgages and other loans. Even worse would be a default on the debt, or a refusal of lenders to buy government bonds at less than a “junk bond” rate. Either could seriously undermine the value of the dollar.

Liberals complain that we are cutting taxes for the rich while cutting spending on programs that help the poor. The cuts in Medicaid would deprive over ten million people of health insurance, place a burden on hospitals and nursing homes that serve them, and contribute to more closures of such institutions, especially in rural areas. Liberals worry that elimination of clean-energy initiatives will contribute to global pollution and dangerous climate change. It will also throttle a growing industry, cost thousands of jobs, and solidify China’s lead in solar power and electric vehicles.

Republican leaders like House Speaker Mike Johnson respond to these criticisms by minimizing the impact on the deficit and the welfare of citizens. Johnson repeats the tired argument that tax cuts pay for themselves by growing the economy, which few economists today find consistent with the evidence. A half century of Republican tax cutting has been a major contributor to rising debt, along with bipartisan stimulus spending to recover from the Great Recession and the Covid pandemic. Republicans portray the people who will lose Medicaid coverage either as illegal immigrants who weren’t eligible in the first place, or people who “choose” (Johnson’s word) to leave the program rather than meet reasonable work requirements. Apparently they have no problem depriving children of health insurance or food assistance if their parents are undeserving.

The DOGE fiasco

The biggest beneficiaries of this bill—and its most enthusiastic supporters—are wealthy Republican donors. They are most responsible for making tax-cutting the overriding mission of their party. One glaring exception at the moment is Elon Musk, who spent $300 million getting Trump and other Republicans elected, but is now trying to kill the “One Big Beautiful Bill.”

I won’t probe all of his motivations, which may include his stake in electric vehicles, but I would like to connect his position with his experience with the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE). Trump anointed Musk the leader of a well-publicized budget-cutting initiative. They imagined savings of up to $2 trillion a year, wiping out the current budget deficit. So far, the savings have been negligible, for several reasons. First, the President does not really have the legal authority to close down agencies or impound money allocated by Congress. Second, finding “waste, fraud, and abuse” to cut isn’t as easy as people think. Careless cutting quickly impairs the functioning of agencies people care about, like the Veterans Administration, the Social Security Administration, or the National Institutes of Health. Third, even people who are unenthusiastic about a government operation like foreign aid are not thrilled to hear about a sudden increase in starving children. Fourth, some savings are offset by the cost of paying employees to quit, or rehiring them when they turn out to be needed after all. And fifth, overall government spending is not really falling, just being shifted to other functions like deporting immigrants.

I think that DOGE has largely been a budget-cutting charade. Maybe Trump thought that if he could establish his credentials as a budget cutter, he could sell his “One Big Beautiful Bill” as an exercise in deficit reduction. He claimed in one of his posts that it is a big step toward a balanced budget, which will come as a surprise to anyone who has examined the numbers. But now the jig is up. The bill’s cover is blown. We’re back to business as usual, where Republicans cut taxes, raise deficits, and cut spending on the poor. While Trump is going all in with support for the bill, Musk seems disappointed that he didn’t really get to cut hell out of the federal budget, no matter who gets hurt. Trump is more interested in cutting taxes for himself and his wealthy friends. Neither is much of a populist.

The more things change…

I am beginning to wonder whether the MAGA movement is truly transformative for the Republican Party, or if it is mostly a propaganda campaign to trick people into supporting the same old agenda that most people rejected in 2012. Romney and Ryan lost by running on tax cuts for the rich and benefit cuts for the poor. Trump won by running on saving American jobs from foreigners and cutting prices. But when he works with Congress at all—that is, when he’s not trying to rule by executive decree—his top legislative priority is more of what Republicans have been selling for years. Did someone say Trump was the change candidate?

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Posted by Ed Steffes

Fiscal Fantasyland

March 10, 2025

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Based on President Trump’s first six weeks in office, I would say that he has yet to make the transition from campaigning to governing. He is a pretty effective campaigner, for those who can stomach his incessant lying, self-aggrandizement and ugly attacks on opponents. But he is not yet serious about addressing the country’s domestic issues, especially the serious decisions it faces about taxing and spending.

The President’s recent address to Congress was his typical campaign stemwinder, full of bluster and bombast but largely devoid of realism or reasoned argument. On fiscal matters, it repeated the kind of campaign promises one might expect from a campaigner who has not yet had to confront fiscal realities.

First, he would like to make his 2017 personal income tax cuts permanent. The cuts were unpopular at the time because the benefits went mainly to the wealthiest taxpayers. Congress set them to expire after eight years to soften their impact on the ten-year debt projections that accompany every budget. The annual deficits and cumulative debt shot up anyway, but Congressional Republicans have always been determined to continue the cuts, come what may.

On top of the 2017 tax cuts, Trump would like to add trillions of dollars in additional cuts. These include deductions for tip income, overtime pay, Social Security income, and interest payments on car loans for American-made cars, plus restoration of the unlimited deduction of state and local taxes and another reduction in corporate taxes. Despite the lost revenue from all those tax cuts, Trump promised to balance the federal budget “in the near future.”

Sounds fantastic—more tax cuts and a balanced budget! But beware—“fantastic” is the adjective form of the word “fantasy.” Republicans cheered the address, especially when they heard the words “balanced budget.” But they know that they have no intention of passing anything close to that. Their own proposals would take the country in the opposite direction, toward larger deficits and more debt. In fiscal fantasyland, we can cut all the taxes we like, but then balance the budget quickly and rather painlessly. We just need to crack down on “waste, fraud, and abuse,” to use one of the political campaigner’s favorite phrases. Right-wing politicians love to portray the federal government as an overfed animal that would benefit from an austerity diet. Promoting that image is a good way to get people to hate their own democratic government, the government that wastes their money without working very well for them. Leaders who make a big show of fighting waste establish their fiscal virtue, which then gives them a license to cut more taxes. But the adjective form of “license” is “licentious,” defined as “lacking legal or moral restraint.” Isn’t there something licentious about the glee with which the world’s richest man takes a chain saw to our government agencies, so that we can pretend to afford more tax breaks for people like him? Does it really matter to him how much of the alleged waste is real, as long as the show goes on?

Stubborn facts

Those of us who are wary of fiscal fantasies and struggle to live in the real world must acknowledge some stubborn facts.

When tax cuts exceed spending cuts, deficits and debt go up.

The 2017 tax cuts added several trillion to the national debt, and making them permanent would add several trillion more. That’s why Republicans who voted against raising the debt ceiling during the Biden presidency have done a 180-degree turn and are now supporting it. Including any of Trump’s additional tax cuts would further widen the gap between revenue and spending.

So-called “supply-side” economists used to argue that tax cuts pay for themselves by stimulating economic growth and expanding the tax base. Economists have found this effect to be too small to offset the impact of tax cuts on deficits and debt.

Tax-cutters have also held out the hope that the cuts will force Congress to enact offsetting spending cuts. In fiscal fantasyland, Congress can cut taxes first and leave spending cuts to the imagination. In reality, the imagined cuts usually turn out to be too small to make much difference or too unpopular to be carried out. The spending cuts proposed by the House budget resolution are less than half of their proposed tax cuts.

The savings from fighting “waste, fraud and abuse” are disappointing.

Everyone is against “waste, fraud and abuse,” but finding enough of it to offset massive tax cuts has proven to be very hard. Trump claimed in his address that Elon Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency—itself a fantasy department with no basis in law—has already found “hundreds of billions of dollars of fraud.” He must have pulled that number out of thin air, since DOGE’s announced savings at that point were less than ten billion, and that included many jobs and contracts terminated without any charges of fraud. Trump’s equally fanciful claim that millions of dead people receive Social Security checks has been thoroughly investigated and debunked.

Even when fraud is real, the government is often the victim rather than the perpetrator. Defense contractors inflate costs; medical providers file Medicare claims for services they did not actually provide; taxpayers cheat on their tax returns. Taking on the private interests that rip off the government is hard, and firing federal workers usually won’t help. In some cases, adding workers is more productive, such as IRS auditors to catch more tax cheaters.

The DOGE firings and contract terminations are a kind of budgetary side show anyway, since they try to stop agencies from spending money Congress has already allocated. That’s one reason they are facing so many legal challenges. What matters more is what spending cuts Congress is willing and able to write into law. Of course we want our government agencies to be more efficient, but we can achieve that only by careful program evaluation and innovation, not by eliminating workers and contracts indiscriminately. Overly hasty cuts undermine worthy goals, such as medical research, clean energy initiatives, airline safety, global disease prevention, services to veterans, and consumer protection. Every program that benefits a sizable segment of society has its vigorous defenders.

Offsetting large tax cuts is hard without cutting federal insurance programs.

One reason why spending cuts save so little is that they focus on such a small segment of the total budget. The budget cutters go after nondefense discretionary spending (only 14% of the budget), especially what is paid to the civilian labor force (only 5%). Defense spending is larger, but there the administration is sending mixed signals. The President and his Defense Secretary call for spending reductions, while the House budget resolution proposes an increase.

The rest of the big bucks are in the large federal insurance programs, particularly Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid. Although Congressional Republicans are reluctant to call attention to it, their budget plan calls for the committee overseeing those programs to find large savings there. According to the Congressional Budget Office, they cannot meet their tax-reduction and debt-ceiling targets without looking there.

Medicaid seems most vulnerable to cuts, since it serves a lower-income—and politically less powerful—constituency than Social Security or Medicare. But cutting it would be politically unpopular, since it serves a large portion of the nation’s children, elderly residents of nursing homes, and the disabled. Medicaid payments also keep many rural hospitals in business. Cutting Medicaid would give credence to the charge that Republicans want to cut benefits to the poor to give tax cuts to the rich.

Social Security and Medicare are a different matter, since they are funded by payroll taxes. Some reform is inevitable, to deal with a potential revenue shortfall as the retired population grows. But cost savings should go to keep the programs solvent, not to justify or fund cuts in income taxes.

The federal safety net is popular and necessary.

One may ask why the citizens of one of the richest countries in the world rely so heavily on federal insurance programs to make ends meet. Part of the answer is that the United States has a weakly organized working class and an embarrassing number of jobs with low wages and no benefits. Far too many Americans lack the means to pay for their own health insurance or save for their own retirement. Critics may worry that Americans are too dependent on government, but that may be the flip side of the economic power and privilege at the top. We expect privileged taxpayers to share some responsibility for the wellbeing of the whole society. At least some of us still do.

Let the tax cuts expire

The first step out of fiscal fantasyland is to question whether the country can afford letting the 2017 tax cuts continue. In both 2017 and 2025, the Trump administration inherited a growing economy that did not need that stimulus.

But tax cutting remains the top priority for Republicans, no matter how much they talk about deporting immigrants, fighting inflation, eliminating DEI programs, or anything else that appeals to the MAGA base. With Republicans in charge of the government, the fiscal dilemma is their dilemma. Unless they change their tax-cutting ways, they must either vote for the debt increases they claim to hate, or cut programs that Americans want, or both. No wonder they would rather live in fiscal fantasyland.

I should add that I am not really a deficit hawk, since in recent years the economy has handled federal deficits better than many economists expected. Nevertheless, the debt does have some downsides., especially for government itself. It forces the government to devote a big chunk of its budget to paying interest instead of providing services. And it gives conservatives an excuse to go on periodic cost-cutting rampages that can do more harm than good. That’s what I believe we are seeing now.

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Posted by Ed Steffes

Lawless Inefficiency

February 10, 2025

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We are now three weeks into the second Trump presidency, and I have been trying to organize my thoughts about the firehose of executive orders spewing out from the new administration. I will focus on two of the things that bother me most.

The first is that many of the executive orders and actions are arguably illegal, and those arguments are being made in court.  Often that is because they appear to violate the separation of powers between the executive and legislative branches of government mandated by the Constitution. My second concern is that the President is trying to market many of his most radical measures as exercises in government efficiency, an appealing but misleading notion. In practice, they seem more about getting rid of programs and agencies that Donald Trump and Elon Musk do not like. Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE), itself created by executive order rather than by Congressional legislation, might be more accurately named the Department of Government Obstruction.

Beyond the law

Article I of the U.S. Constitution clearly gives Congress the sole authority to levy taxes and approve expenditures. No money can be spent without congressional approval, and approved funds must be spent as Congress directs. Spending money the way Congress intended is part of the President’s responsibility to “take care that the laws be faithfully executed” (Article II, Section 3).

The Congressional Budget and Impoundment Control Act of 1974 reaffirmed Congress’s budgetary control, after President Nixon tried to impound some funds Congress had allocated. The law did leave the President a little wiggle room by allowing some temporary pauses in spending under special circumstances. But even then, the President must report to Congress and give it an opportunity to weigh in.

Shutting down an entire agency by executive action appears to exceed the President’s legal authority, let alone the authority of an unelected and congressionally unapproved associate like Elon Musk. The Agency for International Development was created by Congress over 60 years ago and has been funded with bipartisan support ever since. It has saved millions of lives by fighting hunger and disease around the world. It has also built enormous good will for our country and helped American farmers by buying and distributing their products. Something is very wrong when a president can destroy in a few days what took decades to develop, and do it without so much as a congressional hearing.

Musk has already announced the death of two other federal entities, the Department of Education and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau. The Education Department provides financial assistance to underfunded schools, funds much of the country’s special education, and administers the student loan program, among other things. The CFPB has saved consumers billions of dollars by cracking down on shady business practices, such as hidden fees imposed by banks.

Of course, we should not be too surprised if a president with a history of indictments and one multicount felony conviction tries to run a lawless administration. During his campaign, Trump talked about being a dictator, and voters should have taken him seriously.

In the name of efficiency

President Trump and his supporters have tried to pass off the most destructive executive decisions as a normal quest for government efficiency. Here is how House Speaker Mike Johnson defended the USAID spending freeze at a recent press conference:

There’s a gross overreaction in the media to what’s happening. The executive branch of government in our system has the right to evaluate how executive branch agencies are operating. It’s not a power grab. That’s what they’re doing—by putting a pause on some of these agencies and by evaluating them, by doing these internal audits. That is a long overdue, much welcome development. We don’t see this as a threat to Article I at all. We see this as an active, engaged, committed executive branch authority doing what the executive branch should do.

Is the aim here really “to evaluate how executive branch agencies are operating,” or is it to impede their operation, maybe permanently? Sending USAID workers home, shutting down the headquarters, taking down the website, and even taking the name off the building are a strange way of evaluating an operation. Would a private company shut down all its production and sales if it intended to remain in business? I thought Republicans wanted federal agencies to run more like businesses; not go out of business!

Efficiency is about getting the best ratio of benefits to costs. Improving efficiency by increasing benefits and/or cutting costs is a challenging task. If taken seriously, it requires working within agencies to find ways of doing things better but less expensively. Sometimes it requires large short-term investments for the sake of long-term payoffs, as when an agency replaces antiquated technology.

We are not hearing much about improving government operations, just cutting them. But cutting costs without regard to the impact on results is not efficient. Consider the President’s “Deferred Resignation” plan, where federal employees can resign now but keep getting their pay and benefits for another seven months. It makes no distinction between the most qualified, productive workers and the least. Is it efficient to pay good workers to leave instead of paying them to keep working? Is it efficient to hire a new worker to do a job, while still paying the old worker not to do the same job? Just getting rid of as many workers as possible appeals to antigovernment ideologues who have trouble imagining federal employees as good workers doing anything important.

Much of the work of Musk’s Department of Government Efficiency is shrouded in secrecy. His workers are mostly young technicians who know a lot about computers, but have less knowledge, experience, or appreciation regarding the government agencies they are supposed to overhaul. When they descend on a department brandishing their butcher’s knives, we do not know whether they are cutting fat or meat, or if they can even tell the difference. Apparently, they just walk in the door and start ordering administrators to cut jobs and stop spending money on things that do not conform to the President’s priorities. Among the kinds of spending they say to stop are the clean energy projects authorized by the Inflation Reduction Act, not because they are wasteful, but because the President doesn’t acknowledge greenhouse gas pollution or climate change as problems. The cuts certainly seems to violate the Impoundment Act and the obligation of the executive to take care that the laws are faithfully executed. DOGE is designed to circumvent the normal congressional budgeting and oversight processes. Trump has also fired the Inspector Generals who are normally responsible for combating waste, fraud, and abuse. His people—or more precisely Musk’s people—will decide what is wasteful.

Remedies

The most obvious remedy for an executive branch run amok—or in this case, run aMusk—is for the legislative branch to reassert its Article I authority. The Republican leadership in Congress shows no interest in doing this. For whatever reason—ideological agreement or intimidation by their bully leader—they seem content to let Trump and Musk dismantle federal agencies. No doubt many Republicans are happy to accomplish by executive fiat what they have been unable to accomplish legislatively, such as killing clean energy and consumer protection.

The third branch of government, the judiciary, is showing signs of life. A number of judges have responded to the many lawsuits already filed by issuing temporary restraining orders, pending hearings on the legal objections. (As I write this, I have just heard that a judge has accused the administration of violating his previous order to stop freezing spending.) Trump, Musk, and Vice President Vance have responded by attacking the judges, with Musk calling for their impeachment. We may be headed for a constitutional crisis, where the President refuses to be bound even by court orders.

No matter what Trump does, removing him from office before his term expires seems a remote prospect, since the Supreme Court has granted him immunity from prosecution and members of his own party will not vote to impeach him. Removal by means of the 25th Amendment would require cooperation of the cabinet, now well-stocked with loyalists who are as extreme as he is.

That leaves public opinion. One reason why Trump and Musk chose USAID to begin their anti-government crusade is probably that foreign aid does not have a very large domestic constituency. Polls have found that Americans grossly exaggerate how much we spend on it—actually about one-half of one percent of the federal budget—and wonder why we do not spend that money at home. As the demolition derby extends its efforts to other targets, Americans may discover how much federal spending impacts their own communities. When budget cuts start hitting local hospitals, schools, farms and construction projects, the administration may discover that cutting spending is much more popular in the abstract than in the concrete. A little civic education might turn out to be the silver lining of the dark cloud that hangs over the country.

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Posted by Ed Steffes

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